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PRESS STATEMENT
Media Forum on the 2010 Elections
CBCP News & Catholic Media Network
May 26, 2009

 

VOTERS SHOULD CALL FOR TRANSPARENT
AND CREDIBLE ELECTIONS IN 2010

By Bobby Tuazon
Director for Policy Study
CenPEG


There are high expectations for the May 10, 2010 elections. An expected 50 million registered voters will elect candidates for some 18,000 elective positions with about 90,000 aspirants vying. There are two major highlights of the elections: First, a new President will be elected to succeed Mrs. Arroyo although there are mixed reports whether the incumbent president will give up her post voluntarily. Second, is that it will be the first elections to be automated – with much anticipation that, since it is automated, it will enhance the right to suffrage and promote the sovereign power of the people to elect a new government. In fact, many Filipinos have been made to believe that automation will reduce fraud and bring credibility back to the electoral process.

Whether credibility will be restored in the May 2010 elections, the country’s 50 million voters may be disappointed. There are basically three reasons:

1) The Precinct Count Optical Scan – Optical Mark Reader (PCOS-OMR) chosen by the Comelec does not fully comply with the principle of “secret voting and public counting” and has critical faults that may likely result in wholesale electronic cheating;

2) The automated election system (AES) of Comelec, with PCOS-OMR as its core instrument, deprives the voters of their right to know how their votes are counted and how the entire election results are arrived at. The system virtually removes the vital requisites of a credible, democratic electoral process: transparency, public scrutiny, public auditability, and public participation;

3) Although there are good elements inside Comelec, the poll body is ill-advised and ill-prepared for the May 10, 2010 automated national and local elections;

As to the first: There are innumerable cases pointing to the technical deficiencies and vulnerabilities of the OMR which were also manifested when it was pilot-tested in the August 2008 ARMM elections with at least 23 errors and flaws recorded. A number of companies involved in automated elections in many countries have faced both scandals and lawsuits due to machine errors and fraud. Moreover, the OMR technology operates on secrecy in the counting of votes at the precinct from where the results are transmitted for canvassing and consolidation from the municipal to the national levels – all unseen by the naked eye. With the automated system programmed to proclaim the election winners in 2-3 days, public monitoring, poll watching, and electoral protests will be deprived of both sufficient data and material time for filing election protests. That this will result in an avalanche of election protests all over the country is a grim scenario with serious political implications. Will not the whole secrecy and vulnerability of the system result in a wholesale electronic cheating? Will this not lead to a failure of elections?

As to the second: Under the Comelec’s PCOS-OMR system, the vital requisite of voters’ participation, public scrutiny, oversight and auditing will be lost. The whole automated election system is left primarily in the hands of the Comelec and the technology contractor – and, unknown to us, the cheats – thus making the entire electoral process like a private transaction. Is the Comelec being inconsistent with RA 9369 which provides for transparent and credible election automation? Is it violating the Omnibus Election Code (BP 881) which similarly calls for transparency in the vote counting? But there are assurances from the Comelec chair himself: “Trust us and trust the machines.” We say, good intentions are not enough; trust is built over time. Considering Comelec’s apparent failure to address the systemic and pandemic problem of fraud and the poll body’s tarnished record, can we expect the country’s 50 million voters not to cast doubt on its claim?

We reiterate that the people have the right to demand transparency in the entire electoral process, including making the source code public. Whichever company will win in the bidding cannot invoke proprietary rights or trade secrecy to a technology that has been paid for in taxpayers’ money.

It is precisely because of its lack of transparency that many countries are having second thoughts over the use of electronic voting or automated election. Last March 2009, Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court declared electronic voting unconstitutional because of its lack of transparency. In the U.S., a federal lawsuit (“National Clean Elections Lawsuit” or NCEL) is asking a New York court to declare electronic voting unconstitutional not only for its secrecy but also because it provides abundant opportunities for criminal sabotage, election fraud, and errors of all types at almost every step of the election process. In The Netherlands the Dutch government has imposed a moratorium on electronic voting while Ireland has banned electronic voting. In the world, only Venezuela has gone into full automation in its electoral system while only 15 countries are partially-computerized, including the U.S.

And, finally: There may be well-meaning figures in the Comelec, but we find the poll body ill-advised and unprepared for the full automated elections. There are several reasons:

1) The Comelec failed to consult the Filipino ICT community, computer academe, and election watchdogs from where it could have sourced the local expertise and technology that are already available for the electoral process as well as suitable to the local conditions, which the law requires;

2) The poll body has a problem with time management (it is already delayed practically by one month in its pre-automation calendar of activities) – a concern which CenPEG had raised in February this year - which reflects its lack of an operations manual, unavailable internal IT infrastructure and expertise (CAC report, October 2008);

3) Its compliance with RA 9369 and other election-related laws may need a review considering, for example, that at least two major provisions of the automated election law were not followed in the 2008 ARMM elections (review of the source code; and pilot testing).

4) While it tends to bend its rules and calendar to accommodate the objectives of foreign multinational bidding companies, it has practically shut its doors to critical, dissenting opinions, and requests for transparent documents especially those pertaining to the election.

CenPEG reiterates that it supports automated elections – subject however that the technology should ensure an open, transparent, credible, and voter-friendly elections. Rather than going full-blast immediately, election automation should be evolving, i.e., gradual and in phases, and suitable to the Philippine conditions. Technology should promote the principle of “secret voting and public counting” as well as the inalienable power of the people over the vote and the entire election process. CenPEG also believes, however, that no amount of election modernization will work unless the well-entrenched and powerful cheating machineries are made irrelevant.

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