
ISSUE ANALYSIS No. 04
Series of 2009
The Ties That Dependency Binds
Reforming Philippine-U.S. Relations in the Epoch
of Global Economic Recession
No country in the developing world has ever reached progress and
equal treatment without fighting for self-determination and choosing
an independent foreign policy..
By
the Policy Study, Publication, and Advocacy (PSPA)
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
February 20, 2009
(This Issue Analysis comes in two parts.)
Part
I
A
rare opportunity to reform Philippine – U.S. relations is
unfolding. This is signaled, first, by the start of the term of
Barack Obama as the new American president where, in his inaugural
speech, he made an oblique reference to the corruption and political
persecution under Gloria M. Arroyo. Second is the Supreme Court’s
(SC) Feb. 11 ruling directing the transfer of detention of convicted
rapist U.S. Lance Corporal Daniel Smith from the U.S. embassy in
Manila to Philippine authorities. The failure of both the Arroyo
government and the U.S. authorities to honor the high court ruling
has triggered calls in and outside Congress to review or scrap altogether
the U.S.-Philippine 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).
Third
is the evolving global economic recession that is bound to cause
the restructuring of the monopoly capitalist-dominated international
system with a specific impact on Philippine-U.S. ties.
The
imperative of reforming Philippine-U.S. relations, which takes its
roots in the nationalist ferment beginning in the 1950s, is an issue
whose ultimate resolution rests not on the Philippine government
but on patriotic organizations, civil libertarians, and other sectors.
This is because no Philippine president shackled to the reactionary
tradition of deference to a colonial master is expected to begin
the process of foreign policy reform. Moreover, the Obama presidency,
despite its liberal rhetoric, is expected to push a right wing-oriented
foreign policy to ensure U.S. global hegemony with a more interventionist
tack in the Philippines.
Decline
of capitalism
Global
capitalism is on decline – and with it the hegemony of the
American empire, whose regression became imminent in the 1970s with
the U.S. quagmire in the Vietnam War.(1)
Capitalism suffers a cycle of periodic crisis that has become more
crippling in recent decades. But the financial meltdown of 2007
that led to the global economic recession which now looms as the
Greater Depression has a trajectory of at least 15 years. Just as
the financial meltdown that begun in the U.S. was a key factor for
the defeat of George W. Bush’s Republican Party, the current
global economic recession is seen to effect a profound political
transformation throughout the world.
David
Harvey, a professor of the City University of New York (CUNY),(2)
assesses that Obama’s $800-billion worth of stimulus package
as a step toward financial recovery will fail. It will fail, he
notes among other reasons, not only because the money is short of
the $2 trillion needed every year but also because recovery depends
on the willingness of other countries such as China and the Gulf
states to lend.(3)
Citing
recent U.S. intelligence reports, Harvey said that “U.S. hegemony
had been fading…for some time but its economic, political,
and even military dominance was now systematically waning.”
Indeed, a declassified intelligence report issued in November 2008
- or right after the election of Obama - by the U.S. National Intelligence
Council(4) projects
that by 2025 or 15 years from now, the U.S.’ relative power
will decline corresponding to the rise to power of China and the
other BRIC countries – Brazil, Russia, and India - with China
seen as a global economic and military power.
Economic
rebalancing
Clearly,
the same report concedes, the current capitalist-driven world financial
crisis “is accelerating the global economic rebalancing”
resulting in a new international system. Although on decline, capitalism
will be more state-centered with a dose of protectionist measures,
signaling a shift from the failed neo-liberal dictum and the two
decades-long finance deregulation. But this will likely fuel more
intense rivalry among states over scarce resources, trade restrictions,
and food insecurity thus triggering more tensions and wars including
nuclear war, however limited in its initial phase.
Obama’s
director of national intelligence, former commander-in-chief of
the U.S. Pacific Command, Dennis C. Blair, characterized the world
economic crisis as a top security threat. Blair issued this warning
in his report, “Annual Threat Assessment of the Intelligence
Community,” which he read in a testimony before the U.S. Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence last February 19. The report represents
the findings of all 16 U.S. intelligence agencies.
“The
financial crisis and the global recession,” Blair told the
U.S. senators, “are likely to produce a wave of economic crises
in emerging market nations over the next year” that has the
potential of causing “serious damage to U.S. strategic interests.”
“Instability can loosen the fragile hold that many developing
countries have on law and order, which can spill out in dangerous
ways to the international community,” he added.
Indeed,
a fourth of the world’s countries have already experienced
some form of instability, including regime changes, linked to the
global economic recession. In Asia, the economic crisis is heightening
the potential for social unrest in such countries as Indonesia as
well as the Philippines. Despite projections of steady growth, China
has lost 20 million migrant jobs with possible serious repercussions
in the countryside where employment has become scarce.
Of
course, the U.S. intelligence assessments on the impact of the global
economic recession provide the framework for Obama’s executive-level
policy makers in defining global strategies that underpin America’s
national security objectives. Recall that as early as 1992 the Republican
Party’s neo-conservative wing warned in a secret report about
the threat of Islamic terrorism and rogue regimes and spelled out
the right of the U.S. to undertake pre-emptive and unilateral military
intervention. The report’s aggressive policy recommendations
were implemented by Bush 10 years later.
PART
II
Philippines
Still Vital to Obama’s Right Wing Agenda
By
the Policy Study, Publication, and Advocacy
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
February 20, 2009
Barack
Obama’s key Cabinet persons in charge of U.S. economic and
security objectives are on record as apologists for economic neo-liberalism
and right-wing politics. His economic team, led by economic council
director Lawrence Summers, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner,
and chief economic adviser Paul Volcker are accountable to the U.S.
financial crisis. His national security team, led by Defense Secretary
Robert Gates (a holdover from the Bush administration), State Secretary
Hilary Clinton, National Security Adviser former Marines Gen. James
Jones, and Blair have a record of being pro-war and pro-Israel with
close ties to the mega-corporate world and the powerful military-industrial
complex.
An
evolving policy recommendation points to the use of multilateral
institutions and diplomacy (such as the United Nations) –
a tack all but ignored by Bush’s pre-emptive and unilateralist
approach particularly in the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan
and Iraq.(5) Still,
this tack as well as other recent policy recommendations, particularly
from a think tank identified with Obama – the Center for a
New American Security (CNAS) – stress the imperative “of
preserving U.S. power and maintaining its leadership (read: hegemonic)
position” in the world.(6)
Central
to this strategy – which seeks to confront uncertainties and
emerging challenges as a result of the global economic crisis -
is the preservation of U.S. military forces and facilities in 150
countries around the world(7)
classified as main operating bases, forward operating sites, and
cooperative security locations a number of which are observed to
be present in the Philippines. In East Asia, Obama – as he
had pledged in a letter to Arroyo in June 2008 in the case of the
Philippines – will continue U.S. military exercises and access
agreements while shoring up defense partnerships with Japan, South
Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Australia, as well as the Philippines,
and other countries.
“Force
multipliers”
In
the pipeline is a move to deploy more low-profile U.S. advisers
and special operations forces – dubbed “force multipliers”
- in “micro security projects” (such as Sulu) to promote
good governance as well as counter-insurgency “in the mode
of Edward Lansdale.”(8)
From
the U.S. national security lens, the Philippines belongs to the
“arc of instability” where social unrest, challenges
to the weak regime, and “extremism” will likely increase
in the short term. Thus the country will remain a major chip of
the U.S. template to contain China from rising as a hostile regional
– or even global – hegemon threatening to alter the
balance of power in East Asia and causing the slide of American
hegemony. Southern Philippines and other locations of joint war
exercises will be preserved as a laboratory for counter-insurgency
training to generate lessons and military manuals vital to bigger
operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other countries where U.S.
force engagement is long and intractable.
By
the looks of it, there is nothing to expect from the Obama presidency
but more U.S. intervention and the preservation of the Philippines
as a conduit serving U.S. security interests in the region. Evidence
is ample enough showing the costs of maintaining this “special
relationship” with the colonial master – a status of
underdevelopment, continuing rule by the oligarchy, tying the Philippines
as a second-rate state in the world community, anti-terrorism that
serves as a tool for political persecution, and so on.
The
call for the abrogation of the VFA can prove to be a major leap
in the continuing search for an independent foreign policy, however
limited the opportunities it will offer. However limited the opportunities
were, the dismantling of the U.S. military bases in 1992 led to
the economic conversion of the former base locations and peripheral
communities, drastically reduced U.S. military aid, moved the peace
process with the armed Left and the Moro rebels several knots ahead,
and the crafting of a development-oriented foreign policy. The withdrawal
of the bases was, of course, a hard-fought gain of the historic
anti-bases struggle of the Left and progressive opposition that
ended with the equally landmark Senate rejection of the proposed
bases renewal treaty.
But
Fidel V. Ramos’s neo-liberal mindset led to the rehabilitation
of the base areas in favor of foreign investors even as he refused
to heed appeals from communities for justice for the atrocities
and disease-causing toxic wastes left by the base operators. A few
months before stepping down in 1998, Ramos signed the VFA.
The
long-term global economic recession opens opportunities for the
assertion of people-oriented economic blueprints. The decline of
U.S. world hegemony that now suffers from “imperial overstretch”
and the lethal blows of financial losses should provide a stimulus
for restructuring the country’s neo-colonial relations with
America as Filipinos continue to build the blocks of alternative
democratic governance. No country in the developing world has ever
reached progress and equal treatment without fighting for self-determination
and choosing an independent foreign policy.
The
next 15 years will be crucial.
_________________________________________
End notes
(1) From controlling 50 percent of the global economy after World
War II, U.S. economic power has steadily declined to 30 percent
in the 1960s and just below 20 percent today.
(2) Harvey, “Why the U.S. stimulus package is bound to fail,’
January 2009. Harvey wrote, “A Brief History of Neoliberalism.”
(3) The U.S. is the world’s biggest debtor, at around $50
trillion a large part of it borrowed from China.
(4) “Global Trends 2025: A Transformed World,” November
2008.
(5) Also being mulled is a new Bretton Woods system that aims to
gather inter-state and institutional efforts to address the global
financial crisis.
(6) CNAS, “Sustainable Security: Developing a Security Strategy
for the Long Haul,” April 2008.
(7) CNAS, “Unfinished Business: U.S. Overseas Military Presence
in the 21st Century, June 2008.
(8) Col. Edward Lansdale was a deep penetration CIA chief operative
in the Philippines during the 1950’s and is claimed to be
instrumental in elevating Defense Secretary Ramon Magsaysay as president
(1953-1957).
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