
ISSUE
ANALYSIS No. 16
Series of 2008
With all remaining options including attempts at another Cha-Cha
diminishing the whole nation should brace for some extreme measures
being resorted to in 2009.
Arroyo’s
Diminishing Options
By
the Policy Study, Publication, and Advocacy (PSPA)
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
December 12, 2008
By
law, Gloria M. Arroyo steps down from the presidency 19 months from
now. Before that presidential elections will be held in May 2010
to elect the new president. The big question foremost in the mind
of many Filipinos is: Will Arroyo really voluntarily leave the presidential
palace to make way for her successor who will then govern the country
for the next six years?
By
June 2010 when she is expected to leave, Arroyo, the Philippines’
14th president, should have been in power for 10 years – the
longest tenure after Ferdinand Marcos who became president and dictator
for 20 years (1966-1986) until he was ousted by civilian uprising.
If
Arroyo clings to power beyond 2010, as dissenting voices from various
sectors fear, she would be the third president to attempt so. Marcos
declared martial law in September 1972 on the pretext of protecting
the republic from Rightist and Leftist forces and ruled as a dictator
for 14 more years. During his presidency (1992-1998), former General
Fidel V. Ramos called for charter change (that’s where “Cha-Cha”
came about) in a bid to restore authoritarian rule and establish
a strong republic. His two attempts failed, chiefly because of a
stronger public resistance. He ended his term in June 1998.
From
the very beginning when she took over as president on the heels
of the fall of Joseph E. Estrada in a second civilian uprising in
January 2001, Arroyo’s term had been challenged. The whole
length of her presidency for the past nine years can qualify as
a perfect episode for the popular TV series: “Surviving the
Presidency.”
Coup
attempts
Arroyo
faced at least five coup attempts and mutinies: The first was in
May 2001 when civilian supporters of Estrada tried to storm Malacanang.
The siege was to climax with a coup fomented, reports claimed, by
former Estrada officials and allies. Some of these ex-officials
have since been co-opted by Arroyo. Calls for her resignation or
removal began as early as 2002 picking up steam after the 2004 presidential
race amid strong allegations of rigging the elections. Three impeachment
complaints were filed against her at the lower House in 2005-2007
and the fourth complaint was thrown out by Arroyo’s political
cronies last week.
Arroyo
was wily enough to pick a vice presidential candidate (Noli de Castro)
who, despite his claimed popularity as a broadcaster, has no presidential
credentials thus making him a no-no in the event of a third civilian
uprising.
To
stay in power, the beleaguered president used political patronage
to the hilt in order to rein in her narrow political base among
members of Congress, local governments, senior military and police
officials, business cronies, and, in some respects, even among leaders
of the influential Catholic clergy. The political support purchased
by patronage, allegedly in the form of bribery, distribution of
pork barrel, promotions, junkets, and other means has been pivotal
to keeping Arroyo in Malacanang.
Patronage
While
patronage guarantees support for Arroyo at the most propitious times,
such as during impeachments and elections, central to crippling
any organized mass movement – key to any extra-constitutional
presidential transition – is the neutralization of the Left.
A government document underscores a national security strategy against
the Left - which includes dislodging progressive Party-list groups
from Congress - as vital to the Arroyo presidency. Thus, Arroyo’s
presidency has also been propped up by the gun leaving nearly 1,000
activists summarily executed and hundreds of others missing since
2001. Civil liberties are threatened by illegal arrests and detention,
trumped-up criminal charges, an anti-terrorism law, and the absence
of any legal protection.
To
conclude, the greed for power has been sustained at the cost of
making the Philippine government the most corrupt in East Asia,
based on the latest Transparency International report, and by a
culture of impunity making the presidential office unaccountable
to alleged election cheating, corruption, and crimes against humanity.
Arroyo’s presidency has further reduced Congress into a rubber-stamp
legislature and the judiciary tarnished by both alleged corruption
and presidential appointees.
As
a result, Arroyo has become the most unpopular president of all
times based on public surveys. There are scores of issues and charges
to settle with the president, something that is much anticipated
if and when she steps down from the presidency in mid-2010 and becomes
a private citizen. To pre-empt this inevitable scenario, she will
be spending the rest of her term to either install a friendly successor
or use all possible means to stay in power.
With
all remaining options including attempts at another Cha-Cha diminishing
the whole nation should brace for some extreme measures being resorted
to in 2009. She will be capitalizing on all the conditions she needs,
including an anti-Arroyo opposition extremely divided by presidential
ambitions and a judiciary dominated by her own appointees.
Critical
times call for critical leadership. It is up for the people and
their organized forces to be equal to this challenge.

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