
Issue
Analysis No. 07
July 2005
ARROYO’S RAMOS AGENDA
Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo was, as planned, the center of attention during
her fifth State of the Nation Address last July 25. She was applauded
32 times by administration congressmen and senators and their wives,
in most cases for no apparent reason, but exactly on cue. It was
to demonstrate, of course, that she remains popular, except that
it was the members of the majority in Congress—most of them
Jose de Venecia loyalists expecting to reap the political benefits
of the shift to a parliamentary system--who were jumping up from
their seats and applauding.
She
was in fact most applauded when (1) she argued for a supposed “change
in the political system”; (2) she said this should be through
constitutional amendments; and (3), in a turn around from her often-announced
position that charter change should be through a constitutional
convention, she announced that she preferred a constituent assembly
to do the deed.
Everything
else she said was either irrelevant or untrue. She claimed to have
created four million jobs over the last four years—but did
not say how she came to this number, as well as what jobs were created,
and whether these jobs were temporary, seasonal or permanent, quite
possibly because she was referring to, among others, those temporary
low –paying street sweeper jobs she created in aid of her
election campaign in 2004.
To a people among whose majority hunger has become a fact of life,
whose children cannot go to school, who die from preventable and
curable diseases, and many of whom sleep under bridges, she claimed
to have provided housing and “shelter, security for the urban
poor and indigenous peoples,” as well as some vague achievement
she called “rice productivity”. She also claimed that
69 million Filipinos are “beneficiaries of health care insurance”—alluding,
of course, to those PhilHealth cards she distributed during the
May 2004 elections.
Mrs.
Arroyo also claimed credit for the country’s supposedly being
at the forefront of the war on terrorism, and cited US President
George Bush’s saying so--not so much to prove that claim,
but to subtly suggest that she still has US support.
When she began her speech it seemed she was about to say something
true. There are two Philippines, she said, and she would have been
right to say that one is the Philippines of the poor and powerless
and the other the Philippines of the powerful and wealthy--one the
country of those who have nothing, the other the country of those
who have everything. But instead she said that one Philippines is
the country that’s supposedly “on the verge of take
off” economically, while the other is that country “whose
political system, after equally long years of degeneration, has
become a hindrance to progress.”
It
was all predictable and downhill from there. She went on to argue
that the political system has failed us—a seemingly radical
and absolutely correct proposition, until she said that it has nevertheless
succeeded in introducing reforms. Of course she had to say so because
the reforms she claims to have achieved were as president under
the very system she said has failed the Filipino people.
“Over the years,” said Mrs. Arroyo, “our political
system has degenerated to the extent that it is difficult for anyone
to make any headway yet keep his
hands clean”—a reference, certainly, to the fact that
the money-based political system is fraud-ridden, the May 2004 elections
being the most fraudulent since 1947. But, Mrs. Arroyo went on,
“to be sure, the system is still capable of achieving
great reforms. But, by and large, our political system has betrayed
its promise to each new generation of Filipinos, not a few of whom
are voting with their feet, going abroad and leaving that system
behind.”
The political system has indeed failed the Filipino people, but
for reasons Mrs. Arroyo failed to mention. It has failed the Filipino
people because it is based on money, influence, and fraud, and because
it has been run by the same political dynasties that have monopolized
political power in this country for six decades. That means that
it is not so much the system as the political class that dominates
it that has led to the country’s perpetual economic backwardness
and political turmoil.
But
leave it to Mrs. Arroyo to draw the wrong conclusion from a valid
premise. She said the country can’t go forward under this
system, which makes the shift to a parliamentary system critical—and
which, presumably, would make the “two countries under the
same name” she mentioned one.
Only
Mrs. Arroyo’s commitment to the shift to a parliamentary system
and to a federal form of government was of any relevance—or
for that matter, had the ring of truth in it-- given the deepening
political crisis of her damaged and despised administration. That
crisis is of course based on the widespread perception that she
cheated in 2004, as a result of which, among those who really matter—the
Filipino people—she is totally lacking in credibility, and
has lost the trust of an estimated 60 to 80 percent of the population.
Although she didn’t announce it, Mrs. Arroyo was apparently
following a schedule in her head: that schedule, proposed by former
President Fidel Ramos in exchange for his support last July 8, which
says Constitutional amendments would be in place by the end of the
year, that ratification of the amendments would take place by February,
and parliamentary elections by May 2006.
Thus
the paucity of her legislative proposals to Congress, which she
limited to asking it to “pass the Pre-Need Code to rehabilitate,
reform and regulate the pre-need educational programs that worked
so well in the past as a major vehicle for youth education entitlement,”
legislation“encouraging renewable and indigenous energy,”
and, “in the area of national security…an anti-terrorism
law.”
The
thinness of Mrs.Arroyo’s legislative agenda was understandable.
If the Ramos proposal were to be implemented, Congress as a Constituent
Assembly would have only ten months to do much of anything, and
would be more focused on assuring that (1) the nationalist provisions
of the 1987 Constitution are removed for the benefit of US and other
foreign investors; and (2) that the Constitution is so amended as
to allow its members to run and win handily during the elections
for parliament in 2006.
While
Mrs. Arroyo was thus the focus of attention in this, her last SONA
as president (under the Ramos plan she will have to step down by
May 2006 even if she isn’t forced out of office or resigns
earlier), it was actually Fidel Ramos who was pulling the strings
at the podium. Mrs. Arroyo’s State of the Nation Address was
thus no more than words, words, words confirming the Ramos agenda,
and was but one more stage in its carefully-calibrated implementation.
That was its only significance.
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